Inside Trump's first 100 days: a seismic shift in American governance

President Donald Trump's return to the White House has ushered in one of the most transformative periods in modern American history, with sweeping changes that have redefined the boundaries of presidential power and reshaped America's role on the global stage. In just over three months, Trump has executed a methodical campaign to consolidate authority, challenging institutional norms and constitutional guardrails with unprecedented speed and determination.

The new White House aesthetics: symbols of power

Walking through the White House, Trump proudly displays the physical manifestations of his return to power. A massive painting of himself with blood trickling down his face after the assassination attempt in Butler, Pennsylvania, hangs prominently across from former President Obama's portrait. "100 to 1, they prefer that," Trump remarks, gesturing to his own image. "It's incredible."

The Oval Office itself bears Trump's distinctive imprint—gold accents adorn the molding and mantels, while portraits of previous presidents hang in gilded frames. The infamous red button that summons Diet Cokes sits once again on the Resolute desk, behind which stands a battalion of flags, including one for the U.S. Space Force. A map labeled "Gulf of America"—Trump's rechristening of the Gulf of Mexico—sits nearby on a stand.

A blitz of executive action

The first 100 days of Trump's second term have been characterized by a whirlwind of executive actions that have hobbled entire government agencies and departments. He has issued orders and memoranda that have fundamentally altered the federal bureaucracy, gutted much of the civil service, and removed over 100,000 federal workers.

"What I'm doing is exactly what I've campaigned on," Trump told TIME during an hour-long interview at the White House. Indeed, from deportations and tariffs to remaking America's alliances and attacking diversity policies, Trump is fulfilling his campaign promises to radically reshape America.

Trump has benefited from a compliant Republican Congress that has largely abdicated its legislative powers. "The President of the United States has the right, and arguably, I think, the responsibility, to deal with other nations who are engaging in unfair trade practices," Speaker Mike Johnson told TIME.

The DOGE factor: Elon Musk's government efficiency department

Central to Trump's administrative strategy is the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), headed by billionaire Elon Musk. Claiming to root out waste, fraud, and abuse, DOGE has taken control of independent federal agencies and inflicted crippling cuts. Around 75,000 federal employees accepted Musk's offer of deferred buyouts.

The operation has all but demolished agencies like the U.S. Agency for International Development and is targeting others like the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. "Had we not done that, even with the discomfort it caused," White House chief of staff Susie Wiles explains, "then we would leave here in four years having cut the federal bureaucracy by 0.18%."

DOGE has also consolidated data from across government on individual Americans—pulling together for the first time everything from Social Security numbers to student loan data to annual income. Those files have been used to advance White House objectives, including deportation efforts.

The judiciary as the last line of defense

With Congress and the executive branch largely compliant, the courts have become the primary check on Trump's expanding power. More than 100 cases have already been brought challenging his actions, particularly regarding his aggressive deportation program.

The administration's handling of deportations has led to an incipient constitutional crisis. In February, Trump invoked the rarely used Alien Enemies Act, a wartime law from the 18th century, to deport 238 alleged Venezuelan gang members to El Salvador's notorious Terrorism Confinement Center without due process. When a federal judge ordered the planes returned, the administration ignored the order, prompting a rare public rebuke from Chief Justice John Roberts.

The conflict escalated when the administration admitted it had "mistakenly" deported a Maryland sheet-metal apprentice, Kilmar Abrego Garcia. Despite a Supreme Court order to "facilitate" his release, the administration has refused to bring him back. Asked if he requested El Salvador's President Nayib Bukele to release Abrego Garcia, Trump said he hadn't: "Nobody asked me to ask him that question, except you."

Wielding justice as a political tool

Trump, who had claimed his four criminal indictments were politically motivated, has openly used his control over the Justice Department to target perceived enemies. On April 9, he directed the department to investigate Christopher Krebs, the former top cybersecurity official who said there was no evidence of widespread fraud in the 2020 election, and Miles Taylor, who authored an anonymous New York Times op-ed critical of Trump in 2018.

Trump has also weakened internal checks on his power by firing the inspectors general of 17 different agencies and replacing experienced prosecutors with loyalists. For the position of U.S. Attorney for New Jersey, Trump chose his former personal lawyer Alina Habba, while in Washington, he appointed Ed Martin, a 2020 "Stop the Steal" organizer with no prosecutorial experience.

The corporate conquest

Trump has extended his aggressive approach to perceived corporate enemies. After ABC agreed to pay $15 million toward his presidential library to settle a defamation lawsuit against anchor George Stephanopoulos, Trump tasked his team with crafting executive orders targeting other corporate opponents.

"That was the first break in the dam," explains a source close to Trump. The message was clear: "Look, either we come after you, we shut you down, or you're going to help me out."

Major law firms like Paul Weiss, Kirkland & Ellis, and Skadden Arps quickly agreed to provide hundreds of millions in pro-bono work for Trump. Universities also capitulated, with Columbia agreeing to overhaul its protest policies and Middle Eastern Studies curriculum to avoid losing $400 million in federal funding.

"I've gotta be doing something right, because I've had a lot of law firms give me a lot of money," Trump told TIME.

The global tariff gambit

Trump's approach to international trade has been equally transformative. He unleashed a barrage of punitive duties on foreign imports, ranging from a 10% baseline up to 145%, describing the U.S. as "a giant, beautiful store" where he sets the prices.

When Senator Rand Paul texted him urging a retreat from tariffs, Trump responded simply: "TARIFFS ARE GREAT!"

The markets disagreed. Within a week of what Trump called "Liberation Day," both the stock market and U.S. Treasuries were tanking, creating alarm among economists. In a rare moment of retreat, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick convinced Trump to temporarily lift reciprocal tariffs for 90 days, causing markets to rebound somewhat.

Trump remains convinced of his approach: "The bond market was getting the yips, but I wasn't," he says, adding that he would consider it a "total victory" if the U.S. still has tariffs as high as 50% on foreign imports a year from now.

Foreign policy upheaval

Trump's transactional approach extends beyond trade. He has threatened Denmark over Greenland, suggested reclaiming the Panama Canal, and proposed displacing Palestinians from Gaza to create "the Riviera of the Middle East."

On Ukraine, Trump has broken with decades of U.S. foreign policy, blaming Kyiv for initiating the war with Russia: "I think what caused the war to start was when they started talking about joining NATO." The peace he is pursuing would give Vladimir Putin approximately 20% of Ukrainian territory. "Crimea will stay with Russia," Trump states bluntly.

A historical inflection point

Trump's rapid consolidation of power has drawn comparisons to foreign leaders like Viktor Orban of Hungary and Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey. Harvard scholar Steven Levitsky notes, "This is actually much faster, much more thoroughgoing than what we saw the first 100 days in Venezuela or Turkey or Hungary."

Some institutions are fighting back. Law firms have won restraining orders, Harvard University has refused to acquiesce, and the Supreme Court has intervened in several cases. But their capacity to constrain Trump is limited if he defies their orders. "The courts can't save us alone," says Levitsky. "The judicial process is slow, and a lot can get broken in the meantime."

Asked whether he agrees with John Adams that America is "a government of laws, not of men," Trump paused before answering: "I wouldn't agree with it 100%. We are a government where men are involved in the process of law, and ideally, you're going to have honest men like me."

As the first 100 days draw to a close, Trump appears to be at the peak of his power, though resistance is stirring. With consumer confidence at its lowest level in three years and inflation expected to climb due to the trade war, even meek Republicans have raised concerns. Polling shows that a larger share of Americans now live in fear of their government, and Trump's approval rating has slipped to 40%.

Nevertheless, Trump and his team are only getting started. "He had four years to think about what he wanted to do," says Wiles, "and now he wants it executed on."