Morocco’s PPS weighs government role as political negotiations intensify

The Moroccan Party of Progress and Socialism (PPS) is approaching the country’s post-election political landscape with caution, leaving open the possibility of joining the next government while keeping a return to the opposition firmly on the table.

At an extraordinary session held Tuesday, the party’s Central Committee began examining the strategic choice facing the organization after the September 23 legislative elections. The Political Bureau, which has yet to settle on a definitive position, is seeking a mandate to manage the next phase as negotiations over the shape and priorities of the future government accelerate.

A decision shaped by political conditions

Presenting the Political Bureau’s report, Secretary-General Nabil Benabdallah described the choice as particularly difficult. The party leadership argued that a decision of this magnitude should not be rushed and should ultimately be assessed against what it considers the broader interests of Morocco and its citizens, as well as the cohesion and strength of the party itself.

The Political Bureau met five times during the week following the election, beginning with an initial assessment on September 24. According to the report, discussions initially exposed significant differences within the leadership before positions gradually moved closer together.

The possibility of joining the government remains under consideration, but the PPS says such a move would require clarity over the responsibilities it could assume and the political impact it could have. With major reforms, economic pressures and heightened public expectations awaiting the next administration, the party sees participation as a demanding political commitment rather than a straightforward route back into government.

Opposition, meanwhile, is being treated as a credible alternative rather than a default position.

Low turnout becomes a central concern

The PPS has also used its election assessment to highlight what it regards as a deeper problem facing Morocco’s political system: declining electoral participation.

The party argues that its own performance cannot be separated from historically low voter engagement. Its electoral strategy had relied heavily on support from working-class and middle-class voters, particularly those sympathetic to democratic institutions, civil liberties, social justice and the broader left and modernist political camp.

The party estimates that more than 11 million eligible citizens were not registered to vote, while roughly 62% of registered voters—close to 10 million people—did not cast a ballot. It also points to around two million voters who were removed from electoral lists without prior notification or an invitation to register again.

For the PPS, these figures reflect more than electoral arithmetic. They point to a broader erosion of confidence between citizens and political institutions.

Criticism of the election environment

The party's assessment is particularly critical of the political and socioeconomic climate preceding the vote. It links voter disengagement to dissatisfaction with the outgoing government, citing rising living costs, weaker purchasing power, unemployment, corruption, conflicts of interest and what it describes as the growing influence of oligarchic interests.

The PPS also argues that the authorities did not introduce the political de-escalation measures the party had repeatedly called for before the election.

At the same time, it acknowledges what it considers a positive development: the absence of direct administrative interference during the campaign and voting process. The party views this as an improvement compared with previous elections.

Its criticism instead focuses on campaign financing and electoral procedures. The report alleges that some candidates deployed financial resources far beyond legal limits and resorted to corrupt practices to influence voters.

The delayed publication of results also raised questions within the party. The PPS particularly objected to cases in which official polling records were reportedly not delivered promptly in several constituencies, arguing that electoral law requires their immediate submission.

A disappointing result despite an extensive campaign

The PPS entered the election after five years in opposition and months of preparation. It contested every local and regional legislative constituency, covering all 92 local constituencies and all 12 regional constituencies.

The party says more than 80% of its candidates were new faces. Around 72% held advanced university qualifications, while nine candidates were under the age of 35. Seven women headed electoral lists in local constituencies.

Despite that preparation, the final result fell short of expectations.

The party maintains that its performance nevertheless demonstrated a capacity to withstand difficult electoral conditions. But it acknowledges that its campaign platform, unveiled to the media on September 2, failed to become a decisive element in the national political debate or in voter choices.

The national leadership is expected to conduct a detailed review of the result, while insisting that the electoral setback will not lead it to abandon its broader political and social project.

El Mansouri’s appointment raises the stakes

The post-election landscape changed further with the appointment by the King, in accordance with the Constitution, of Fatima Zahra El Mansouri, national coordinator of the collective leadership of the Authenticity and Modernity Party (PAM), to lead the process of forming the next government following her party’s electoral victory.

The PPS congratulated El Mansouri and highlighted the symbolic importance of appointing a woman to lead the government for the first time. But the party stressed that the significance of the appointment should not be reduced to its historic dimension.

For the PPS, the next Parliament and government will be judged primarily by their ability to respond to growing social and economic pressures.

The party pointed to several signals it believes political leaders cannot afford to ignore, including migration attempts toward the occupied city of Ceuta, the youth-led “Gen Z” movement and widespread electoral abstention. It interprets these developments as manifestations of frustration and declining confidence in political institutions.

Trust and social policy at the heart of consultations

During a meeting between a PPS delegation and the designated head of government, the party says it placed the restoration of political trust at the top of its agenda.

It called for stronger democratic institutions, greater protection of freedoms and rights, and a reduction in political tensions. The party also raised the issue of young people involved in the “Gen Z” movement, calling for their release, through an appropriate legal mechanism, along with others involved in peaceful movements.

The PPS further advocated activating constitutional institutions, advancing gender equality and adopting the next reform of the Family Code. It also called for a stronger break with corruption, patronage and conflicts of interest.

The economic agenda presented by the party was equally broad. It included economic sovereignty, industrial development, changes to agricultural policy, youth employment and vocational training, as well as education.

Inflation and rising prices featured prominently in its demands, alongside effective implementation of social protection, higher incomes, pensions and retirement benefits, and improvements to the direct social assistance system.

Public hospitals, schools and universities were also placed at the center of the party’s priorities.

A possible government partnership would come with demands

The consultations appear to have produced areas of convergence, particularly around the need to make social policy a central component of the next government’s agenda.

The PPS argues that declining purchasing power requires measures capable of producing tangible effects quickly, particularly for vulnerable households and the middle class. It is calling for policies aimed at reducing poverty, insecurity and social and regional disparities while putting citizens at the center of public action.

That position could become decisive if the party is invited to participate in the governing coalition.

For the PPS, a government programme should not merely represent a negotiated platform among coalition parties. It should function as a broader political and social contract between the government and citizens.

The party says discussions so far have been conducted in a climate of trust and that there is an opportunity to establish a new reform-oriented direction. Whether that translates into government participation, however, will depend on the programme eventually proposed, the parties involved and the scale of reforms the future coalition is prepared to undertake.

Central Committee holds the key

The PPS Central Committee now occupies the decisive position in determining the party’s next move. As the organization’s highest decision-making body between congresses, it is expected to debate the alternatives before granting the Political Bureau the authority needed to navigate the coming negotiations.

The leadership is asking for room to act amid a rapidly evolving political situation. The composition of the next government, its programme and its willingness to pursue substantial reforms could all influence the party’s final stance.

For now, the PPS is deliberately keeping both doors open.

Participation in government is possible, but only if the political conditions and reform agenda justify it. Opposition remains equally viable if those conditions are not met.

The party’s immediate challenge is therefore not simply to choose between government and opposition, but to determine which option best serves the political, social and economic priorities it has placed at the center of its post-election strategy.